CLIMATE JUSTICE: "CARBON TRADING"
IEN and Other Activists Criticize Carbon Trading As
"PRIVATIZATION of the ATMOSPHERE"
The following appeared in the February 2005 edition of Z
Magazine. Note the GE Trees mentioned in the side bar.
UN Global Warming Convention Meets US Resistance
While Activists Criticize Carbon Trading As "Privatization of the
Atmosphere"
By Anne Petermann & Orin Langelle,
Co-Directors, Global Justice
Ecology Project
The United Nation's Framework Convention on Climate Change, which
oversees the Kyoto Protocol, celebrated its tenth Anniversary of
attempting to address global warming with the launch of its tenth
Conference of the Parties (COP 10) on December 6, 2004 in Buenos Aires,
Argentina. The meeting was marked by an Alaskan oil spill, reports that
2004 was one of the hottest and stormiest years on record, and the
announcement that Inuit peoples are appealing to an international court
for a ruling against the US for its climate changing activities. Shortly
before the meeting, it was uncovered that the Arctic regions are warming
at twice the rate of the rest of the globe, with predictably dire
results, and shortly after the conclusion of the meeting, the US
experienced one of its highest days of casualties in the war for oil in
Iraq. It is becoming undeniable, even to the most stubborn, that the
world's oil-dependent economy is leading to the rapid demise of peoples,
wildlife and ecosystems around the globe.
Even the Pentagon believes in the danger of global warming. According to
London's The Observer, a secret Pentagon report leaked to the press in
February of this year, "predicts that abrupt climate change could
bring the planet to the edge of anarchy as countries develop a nuclear
threat to defend and secure dwindling food, water and energy supplies.
The threat to global stability vastly eclipses that of terrorism, say the
few experts privy to its contents." The Observer quotes the report
as concluding, "Disruption and conflict will be endemic features of
life. Once again, warfare would define human life."
As a result of the 1992 Rio Earth Summit and in response to the emerging
global warming threat, the UNFCCC was initiated. The Kyoto Protocol, the
global warming agreement negotiated by the UNFCCC, is due to finally come
into effect on February 16, 2005, following the October 22, 2004
ratification of the agreement by Russia. Russia's signing on gives the
agreement a high enough level of participation by industrialized
countries for it to now take effect. But many activists wonder if it
isn't too little, too late; especially since the world's biggest
polluter, the United States, with 25% of worldwide annual global carbon
emissions, refuses to sign on.
Jutta Kill, of the Sinkswatch project of FERN in the United Kingdom, who
has been following the process for several years states, "Scientists
have projected that immediate carbon emission cuts of 60-80% are needed
to avert climate catastrophe. The Kyoto Protocol only establishes carbon
emission reduction targets of 5.2% below 1990 levels by 2012, and even
these are being evaded."
Statements from the UN, however, remain positive about the progress that
has been made on global warming in the past ten years. UN
Secretary-General Kofi Annan wrote in a UN report entitled The First Ten
Years, "The issue of climate change has been placed firmly on local,
national and international agendas, in the forefront of public and media
scrutiny, and in the strategies of a growing number of businesses."
The aspects of the Kyoto Protocol that have come most under fire from
activists are "loopholes" that help corporations evade
emissions cuts. These loopholes include the agreement's "Flexible
Mechanisms," which include trading in carbon credits, as well as
Joint Implementation and the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). Through
the CDM, corporations that wish to maintain or increase carbon emissions
can purchase carbon credits from developing countries that in some way
claim to have reduced emissions—by, for example, converting a coal
burning plant to natural gas, or by planting trees to soak up carbon
dioxide. These countries emissions, however, reminds Jutta Kill,
"are not monitored, and reductions therefore are unverifiable." The CDM would be funded by the industrialized North and enforced by
multilateral development agencies such as the World Bank and
International Monetary Fund.
OilWatch criticized the direction of the Kyoto Protocol negotiations
stating, "Trade in carbon emissions, CDMs and the World Bank's
Prototype Carbon Fund… are viewed by [industrialized countries] as an
opportunity to evade their obligations, and by the countries of the G77
as an opportunity to channel their resources. However, these mechanisms
do not resolve the global climatic change crisis, but on the contrary,
transfer responsibility from the guilty parties to the Global
South."
During the Buenos Aires climate talks, the Sustainable Energy and Economy
Network released their report, A Wrong Turn from Rio which charges that
the World Bank is part of the problem, not part of the solution. It
argues that while the 1992 Rio Earth Summit put much of the financial
control over sustainable energy development within the confines of the
World Bank, since Rio the Bank has instead spent $28 billion on fossil
fuel projects including extraction and power plants.
"The World Bank poses a hazard to climate stability," stated
Jim Vallette, research director for SEEN. "Instead of fulfilling the
role world leaders entrusted them with in Rio, they are now actually
profiting from pollution of the Earth's atmosphere, both via finance for
accelerated extraction of fossil fuels and via carbon trading."
Nadia Martinez, SEEN Latin America Coordinator when on to charge,
"The World Bank has done more that any other institution to entrench
the global fossil fuel industry. It must be removed from any scheme that
purports to solve the climate crisis."
Even the World Bank's own Extractive Industries Review criticizes the
Bank's support of extractive industries (oil, gas and mining). After
spending millions of dollars on the EIR, however, the Bank's board in
September 2004 voted to ignore most of the recommendations. SEEN reports
that Dr. Emil Salim, who led the EIR, called the Bank's response, "business as usual." Dr. Salim told an EIR consultation,
"It is not the World Bank that must determine whether this is to be
done, it is up to us."
The US maintains a defacto veto power over the World Bank.
Though the US is not a party to the Kyoto Protocol, they remain active
with the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, which allows them to
have influence in the process. Their role in this process has been
criticized as obstructionist and designed to weaken the global warming
agreement. The Kyoto Protocol's Flexible Mechanism loopholes were
incorporated due to US pressure during the Clinton
Administration.
Immediately after the COP 10 talks in Buenos Aires, the New York Times
reported that the COP "ended … with a weak pledge to start
limited, informal talks on ways to slow down global warming, after the
United States blocked efforts to begin more substantive
discussions."
US Under Secretary of Global Affairs Paula Dobriansky was quoted in the
COP 10 publication El Diario saying, "we believe that the best way
to face climate change is through economic growth."
But Jeremy Symons, a former whistleblower at the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA), was quoted in The Observer suggesting other motives of the
Bush Administration saying, "This administration is ignoring the
evidence in order to placate a handful of large energy and oil
companies."
This year's COP was ostensibly to focus on advancing measures to help
developing countries with "adaptation" to the effects that will
be or are already being felt due to climate change. However, FERN's Jutta
Kill believes the US is also behind demands by Saudi Arabia and rich OPEC
nations for a piece of the adaptation pie—demands which are helping to
derail the talks. In December of 2003 following last year's COP 9, The
Australian reported, "The oil rich OPEC nations upset poor countries
by demanding a share of the money promised to help developing countries
cope with the affects of global warming in compensation for consumers
switching to clean energy."
And even back in 2000, London's Guardian Weekly was charging the US with
trying to disrupt progress on global warming reporting, "the whole
international effort had been hijacked and corrupted by the United
States' ideological obsession with the disciplines of the market as a
panacea for all ills."
The Guardian Weekly went on to say, "the US...insisted on a market
for carbon trading that would enable it to buy the right to carry on
polluting. It wanted to plant forests to absorb carbon in so-called
carbon sinks, and even claim carbon credits for changing the way farmers
plow their fields," adding, "scientists are very uncertain
about how and whether carbon sinks work at all; some estimated that the
US proposals would lead to massive increases in emissions."
There are even doubts from within the U.S. corporate structure about
carbon trading. Dale E. Heydlauff, of American Electric Power was
reported in the New York Times stating, "If you don't have a system
that's legitimate and verifiable, there's tremendous potential for gaming
the system."
And that's precisely the problem, insists FERN's Kill. "Carbon
trading, which involves carbon saving and carbon sequestering projects
that can't be verified, can only count toward carbon credits if it can be
proven the project wouldn't have happened anyway without the financing
from the carbon credit fund, but there is no way to know
that."
"On purely economic terms, a market built on carbon credits will
inevitably become a "lemons market.' Because carbon projects cannot
be verified, investors cannot know if what they are buying is legitimate
or not. When bad projects purchased are inevitably exposed, investors
will lose confidence and the market will fall apart," Kill
continued.
Never the less, within days of Russia's ratification of the Kyoto
Protocol, carbon trading in Europe tripled. The carbon market is
projected to become the largest market ever, reaching US$60 billion by
2008.
In response to the focus on a carbon market as a "solution" to
global warming, in early October, 2004 organizations and social movements
from around the world came together in Durban, South Africa to discuss
carbon trading and to look at potential alternatives. They emerged with a
declaration that states in part:
"The carbon market creates transferable rights to dump carbon in the
air, oceans, soil and vegetation far in excess of the capacity of these
systems to hold it. Billions of dollars worth of these rights are to be
awarded free of charge to the biggest corporate emitters of greenhouse
gases in the electric power, iron and steel, cement, pulp and paper, and
other sectors in industrialised nations who have caused the climate
crisis and already exploit these systems the most. Costs of future
reductions in fossil fuel use are likely to fall disproportionately on
the public sector, communities, indigenous peoples and individual
taxpayers."
At the COP 10, members of the Durban Group held a press conference
demanding "climate justice" on International Human Right's Day,
December 10. "Powerful interests have hijacked the climate debate
and are forcing a corporate, free market approach to the earth's
peril," stated Tom Goldtooth, director of the Indigenous
Environmental Network.
"Carbon trading," argues FERN's Kill, who was also at the
Durban meeting, "leads to privatization of the atmosphere. Emissions
can only be traded if you own them. So corporations are being awarded a
certain portion of the atmosphere into which to dump their pollution.
Before carbon trading they had free access to the atmosphere, now they
are being given the 'right' to it. Those who have caused this terrible
problem are now supposed to save us from it while continuing to pollute
and making a lot of money."
And it may already be too late to avert climate catastrophe. The COP 10
publication El Diario reported that over just the past decade climate
change has been responsible for nearly 500,000 people killed, over 2.5
billion impacted and economic losses of over $690 billion. 95% of climate
change casualties belonged to countries of middle to low-level
income.
In addition, the Arctic Climate Impact Assessment, released on November
24, found that arctic regions are warming at twice the rate of the rest
of the planet. This rapid warming is leading to a rapid recession of the
ice sheet, threatening polar bears, walruses, and other wildlife that
depend on the ice as well as 155,000 Inuit peoples who live throughout
the Arctic region.
Following the release of this damning report, during the second week of
COP 10, Inuit leaders announced that they are seeking a ruling from the
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights affirming that the refusal of
the US to reduce their 25% of global carbon emissions is threatening
their existence. Such a declaration could assist in an eventual lawsuit
by the Inuit against the US or US companies.
But it is not just the Arctic populations that will experience the impact
of the melting ice. A report from the UN Environment Program estimates
that sea level has already risen 4-8 inches over the past 50 years and is
expected to rise much higher. This rising sea level threatens coastal
communities all over the world and is predicted to cause some small
islands to become uninhabitable or disappear completely. Small island
nations have expressed exasperation with the inaction of the global
community regarding global warming.
About other impacts of a global economy dependent on oil, COP 10 remained
remarkably short-sighted. On the third day of the convention, a freighter
broke in two off the coast of Unalaska Island, coating it with thousands
of gallons of oil. This received remarkably little attention at the
convention. Additionally, shortly after the conference ended, on December
21, the US experienced one the highest days yet of casualties in Iraq,
when 14 soldiers and 8 others were killed in an attack on a US military
base. While the US continues to insist that its ongoing operations in
Iraq are aimed at establishing democracy in the country, it is widely
acknowledged that the war is directed at controlling the world's second
largest oil field, which is consistent with US refusal to curb global
warming emissions.
The Durban Group acknowledged the need for a more broad-based and
holistic approach to global warming with the release of a "Call to
Action" to global grassroots movements to “stand up for real
action on climate change." This call states, "The refusal of
governments and international financial institutions like the World Bank
to force corporations to phase out use of fossil fuels, and which in fact
encourage accelerated use of increasingly limited fossil fuel stocks, is
causing more and more military conflicts around the world, magnifying
social and environmental injustice."
It continues, "If we are to avert a climate crisis, drastic
reductions in fossil fuel investment and use are inescapable, as is the
protection of remaining native forests. The current flawed approach of
international negotiations must be met by the active participation of a
global movement of Northern and Southern peoples to take the climate back
into their hands."
The Guardian Weekly concurs, "What has been singularly lacking [in
the climate debate] has been any widespread popular campaign. There have
been no Seattle-style protests… Politicians respond to pressure. When
they have big, angry demonstrations outside of their conference centers,
it focuses their minds…"
"What is really needed," agrees Kill, "is an effort that
involves civil society and grassroots movements, because governments will
not change otherwise. Time is clearly running out and at the pace the
governments are moving it will run out and we will face climate
catastrophe."
[SIDE BAR]
Tree Plantations to Store Carbon?
Tree plantations are being developed in the Global South, with subsidies
from World Bank "carbon funds," to "offset" emissions
from the industrial North under the Kyoto Protocol's Clean Development
Mechanism.
While the World Bank insists that its carbon funds were designed to help
alleviate poverty and promote development, Ken Newcomb, Senior Manager of
the World Bank's Carbon Finance Business explained at the Carbon Expo in
Cologne, Germany in July, 2004 that the real motive for their involvement
is to "reduce the risk for private investors."
The Bank's largest carbon offset forestry plantation project, called
Plantar, is in Brazil. Plantar has come under fire from the Rural Workers
Trade Union and others from the community of Minais Gerais, where the
plantations are located. At a protest outside of the Carbon Expo, Juarez
Teixera Santana of the Rural Workers Trade Union stated, "We have
been fighting against the destruction caused by industrial tree
plantations in our country for years. Yet now we are being told that
these destructive projects are "clean development" projects
that protect the climate. They are neither."
Last December in Milan, Italy, the United Nations Framework Convention on
Climate Change agreed that genetically engineered trees could be used in
carbon storage plantations. However, forest protection groups criticized
this decision saying the inevitable escape of engineered pollen into
native forests will lead to forest health crises that destroy the
delicate ecological balance of native forests, causing increased forest
mortality—and additional releases of CO2 greenhouse gas. Trees are
being engineered to kill insects, grow faster, have reduced lignin and
resist herbicides, in addition to increasing carbon storage. Tree pollen
has been documented to travel over 400 miles.
Studies at North Carolina's Duke University found that when trees are
subjected to increased carbon dioxide in the air, they will only increase
their carbon storage if soils are rich in nitrogen. This suggests that
plantations developed specifically to store carbon will need to be
located on fertile lands. As a result, say environmental justice
activists, these plantations are likely to result in more logging of
native forests, or take over of agricultural lands. They will also lead
to other impacts on rural poor communities including loss of fresh water
and biodiversity and contamination with toxic chemical herbicides and
pesticides, that come with establishment of industrial tree
plantations.
At a press conference at the UNFCCC tenth Conference of the Parties, on
the impacts of GE trees and plantations, Lorena Ojeda, a Mapuche
scientist explained, "plantations impact southern Chile causing
great environmental and social problems. Pollen from these plantations
travels in the wind large distances, contaminating water and affecting
people with allergies and asthma."
"If industrial tree plantations already cause so many problems with
pollen, what will be the effect of GE tree pollen that contains the
pesticide Bt?" she asked. "This engineered pollen could cause
increased illness as it contaminates water, ecosystems, flora, fauna and
people."
"Monoculture tree plantations are devastating for local communities
and the environment," said Rachel Nuñez of the World Rainforest
Movement. "If the Kyoto Protocol allows large plantations of GE
trees to count as clean development projects, the results will be
catastrophic."
The press conference was jointly organized by the World Rainforest
Movement, FERN, Peoples Forest Forum and Global Justice Ecology Project
after their request for an official GE trees side event at the UN
convention, where they could address UN delegates directly, was
lost.
Additional concerns about carbon storage plantations include the
temporary nature of the carbon storage and the impossibility of
protecting plantations from activities that would re-release the carbon.
Wildfires in Indonesian plantations in 1997 released more carbon that
year than the entire European Union.
Though the United Nations' Inter-governmental Panel on Climate Change
authored a report in February, 2001 which supported the idea of tree
plantations for carbon storage, it admitted the carbon storage effects
would be temporary.
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